Posted tagged ‘economic growth’

Economic Growth is Solid, Just Not as Strong as You Think

May 7, 2019

In July, the current U.S. economic expansion will become the longest on record and there have been a record 103 consecutive months of uninterrupted job growth.  Not counting the distorting effects of the hiring (and then letting go) of over 411,000 temporary workers on the U.S. Census back in 2009-2010 it would have been 110 consecutive months of job growth.  A similar effect will occur in 2019 and 2020 as the Census Bureau begins hiring temporary Census workers this year and will lay off the workers later in 2020.  You can look forward to a lot of misinterpretation of the job growth numbers in the presidential election year of 2020.

The U.S. economy is strong, but as I argued in my previous post, not as strong as the first estimate of QI GDP growth (3.2%) suggests.  In that post I noted the one-off contributors (inventory builds, lower imports, higher defense spending) to above potential GDP in the first quarter of 2019.  In this post I highlight two employment trends that indicate (to me at least) the U.S. economy is not growing as rapidly as recent reports suggest.

First, growth in aggregate hours worked in the economy is slowing, despite strong gains in job growth.  Aggregate hours worked is a function of both job growth and the number of hours worked each week and the latter has shrunk a bit, offsetting some of the gains in employment.  Aggregate hours worked is related to GDP growth because the more hours worked, the more output the U.S. economy produces.

The growth in aggregate hours worked plus productivity growth is a good surrogate measure of trends in GDP growth. Growth in aggregate hours worked plus growth in productivity (how much each worker produces), at a minimum, will tell you whether GDP growth is accelerating or decelerating.  When the average number of hours worked each week is factored into job growth, April job growth looks much more like 100,000 or less, than 263,000.  This makes sense because productivity growth in the first quarter was initially estimated at 3.4%, a remarkably high rate given that annual productivity growth has averaged about 1% for a decade and the combination of 263,000 job growth and 3.4% productivity growth would imply a very high GDP growth (higher than the 3.2% first quarter growth first reported but which I believe will be revised downward).  Productivity growth is notoriously difficult to calculate and count me skeptical of the 3.4% estimate for the first quarter. Still, the first estimate is the one that gets the headlines and later revisions garner less attention.

The rate of job growth is also slowing, not accelerating, as the initial April job growth estimate implies.  Again, the labor market is strong, there are more job openings than workers available to fill them.  Both of the  survey instruments used to measure employment tell a similar story of job growth that is solid but slowing.  Briefly, the payroll survey is a survey of employers in the country, it provides an estimate of the number of non-farm jobs, the average number of hours worked by employees, and the average hourly wages that they are paid.  The payroll survey does not count the self-employed or those not covered by the unemployment insurance program.  It also counts jobs, not people, so one employed person holding two jobs is counted as two jobs by the survey.  The household survey is used to calculate the unemployment rate and labor force participation.  It provides much more information about the characteristics of the employed and of job growth or job loss in a month than does the payroll (employer) survey.  The household survey counts the self-employed and those not covered by unemployment insurance and it counts an individual working more than one job as a single job for total employment purposes.

The household survey tends to be more volatile, as can be seen in the chart above, but the relevant point is that both surveys show employment growth slowing.  That does not necessarily mean a weaker U.S. economy, but rather than the economy is unable to growth because of labor constraints.  The monthly Job Growth and Labor Turnover Survey (JOLTS) highlights this fact.  Looking at the JOLTS data released today shows that the job openings rate continues to rise much faster than the hiring rate, highlighting the growing gap between labor demand and labor supply.  The chart below shows how the gap between openings and hires has grown in just the Northeast region of the country, where labor shortages are among the most acute.

In conclusion, the U.S. economy is solid and labor markets are strong, just not as strong as recent data points suggest, and at a time when there are more downside than upside risks to the outlook.

Ideologically Uncomfortable Economic Growth in New England

January 11, 2013

State government revenues in NH have grown more slowly over the past few years than almost every other state in New England and there aren’t any signs on the horizon that revenue will grow substantially over the next biennium.

General Revenue Growth

Some of that is the result of policy decisions that looked to reduce taxes in NH in order to increases economic growth, some is the result of other states willingness to expand or raise taxes, and some of it is the result of the fact that NH’s economy has been growing more slowly than most NE states with the exception of Rhodes Island and Maine.  How much of the slow revenue growth is attributable to a weaker economy and how much is attributable to policy changes is difficult to discern.  In some cases it is easy, the cigarette tax was reduced and produced less revenue (almost exactly the amount that I forecast) but more generally, slower growth (or declines) in revenues will occur in a weak economy regardless of policy changes.   Even without a definitive answer to that question we can still learn something from the fiscal and economic experiences of NH and neighboring states over the past few years.

Because it seems that it  is all ideology all the time in public policy debates these days, lets filter the revenue and growth debate through the ideological prism that characterizes most legislative bodies and public debate today.  For some in NH, it is bad enough that both Massachusetts and Vermont (that would be two-thirds of the Holy Trinity of New England socialism if socialists were allowed to believe in the Holy Trinity) have enjoyed stronger economic growth than NH over the past nearly two years.  But it is even tougher to accept that each of these states can enjoy faster growth than NH at the same time they are seeing stronger growth in revenues, and maybe even at a time when they took steps to keep revenues from falling too far, because to ideologues on one side, more revenue has to mean slower economic growth and the only way to get stronger growth is to cut revenues.

NE emp growth

The other end of the political spectrum will argue that the collecting more revenue has allowed these states to invest in more of what their economies need to grow, but there hasn’t been a whole lot of “investing” by state and local governments anywhere in recent years and each of these states has taken some steps to reduce the size and scope of state government expenditures in recent years.  The reality of course, as it almost always is, is somewhere in that wasteland (according to ideologues) known as “the middle”.   The stronger revenue growth of some states is largely a function of stronger economic growth and not necessarily the “investments” those revenues allowed but it can also be said that their generally higher levels of taxation have not disadvantaged their economic performance in relation to NH with its lower level of taxation.  Some of NH’s slow revenue growth is the result of policy decisions but most is related to an economy growing more slowly than neighboring states.  If there is anything to learn from recent economic and revenue trends it is that taking less in revenue  does not, in itself, guarantee stronger growth and that more revenue doesn’t always stifle (although it could) economic growth.  I know business taxes in NH remain high, but that has been true for as long as almost anyone can remember.  It didn’t keep NH from growing faster than any other state in the region for most of 30 years so I doubt it is the singular reason why we are growing more slowly now.  That doesn’t mean it isn’t an issue that should be addressed, it just means that its not likely the only answer to NH’s problem of slower economic growth.  For all of us non-ideologues, I hope lawmakers look to broaden the range of issues in the policy debates over how best to strengthen NH’s economy.

Keeping an Eye On Which Prize?

October 26, 2012

Every state is obsessed with maintaining or creating a “good business climate.”  I think NH has traditionally had a good business climate, with both the public and policymakers demonstrating a high regard for businesses,  and with a climate of mutual respect between the business community  and state policymakers.  At times they have differed in their views, and the balance of interests could change marginally from time to time, but over the years there was a nice balance where each was able to ultimately rely on one another to increase opportunities and prosperity in the state.  There is a lot of fretting over the business climate in the state and what it means for our ability to “attract” businesses. That is always a good thing to monitor, but I am concerned that we (business people, policy makers, citizens) may be spending too little time concerned with creating a climate that is attractive to individuals.  More specifically, skilled individuals with higher levels of educational attainment that increasingly are the source of competitive economic advantage in states and regions.  The in-migration of individuals with higher levels of educational attainment fueled NH’s economy and increased the concentration of technology and higher-skill industries and occupations during much of the past few decades, just as it has in other states that have been able to successfully attract skilled, well-educated individuals.   The chart below shows how the educational attainment of NH residents differs between  those who were born and continue to live in NH, and those who live in NH but where born in another state (in a future post I will discuss international migrants).

The chart shows that residents who have moved to NH from another state are much more likely to have a bachelor’s or higher educational degree.  NH regularly loses its natives with higher-levels of educational attainment to others states, just as other states lose those individuals.  Individuals with higher-levels of educational attainment are the most mobile in society.  They have the most opportunities and generally resources that afford them more choices on where to locate.  That means that the native population will often show overall levels of educational attainment lower than in-migrants from other states.  In-migrants to MA also have much higher overall levels of educational attainment than natives who live in the state,  but the native population that was born and lives in MA has higher levels of educational attainment than the native population in NH.  In fact, educational attainment among those who where born and live in MA looks a lot like the in-migrant population of NH, not surprising since about 300,000 individuals born in MA now reside in NH.

In-migration to NH has been slowing and recently stopped, with tremendous implications for our economy’s ability to grow, innovate, and remain dynamic.  Lets keep our eye on maintaining a good business climate (we can start by reinforcing our tradition of mutual respect between business and government), but I think we need to quickly  begin asking ourselves if a singular concern about business climate is sufficient to assure growth in our economy  if NH is losing its attractiveness to the individuals who are increasingly the source of its economic strength.


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